The Yogurt Shop Murders

How Fifty False Confessions Clouded the Truth While a Serial Killer Walked Free

In a press conference yesterday, September 29, 2025, Austin police announced they had finally solved one of Texas’s most haunting cold cases. Through genetic genealogy, they identified Robert Eugene Brashers as the man who murdered four teenage girls in an Austin yogurt shop 34 years ago. The announcement brought closure to a case that had generated more than 50 false confessions —a staggering number that had complicated the investigation. At the same time, the real killer remained free until he died in 1999.

December 6, 1991: A Night That Changed Austin Forever

That Friday evening, 17-year-olds Jennifer Harbison and Eliza Thomas were closing the I Can’t Believe It’s Yogurt! shop where they worked. Jennifer’s younger sister, Sarah, 15, and their friend Amy Ayers, just 13, had met them there after visiting a nearby mall. The four girls, all members of Future Farmers of America, were planning to attend a slumber party after closing.

Amy dreamed of becoming a veterinarian. “She was a Daddy’s girl,” her father Bob Ayers would later say. “I lost my daughter. I lost my first dance... I won’t see her graduate.” The Harbison sisters were the center of their mother Barbara’s world. “Someone took eternity away from me,” she said. Eliza’s younger sister Sonora, just 13 when she lost her only sibling, remembers thinking: “I’ve never woken up on a day when my sister wasn’t alive.”

Sometime before midnight, the killer bound the four girls with their own clothing, gagged them, and shot them execution-style with .22 and .380 caliber weapons. At least one was sexually assaulted. He then stacked their bodies and set the shop ablaze, attempting to destroy evidence.

When firefighters arrived to battle what they assumed was a routine fire, they discovered a horror that would haunt Austin for decades. The Harbison parents had lost both daughters in one night of unimaginable brutality.

The Killer Revealed

Yesterday’s announcement identified the murderer as Robert Eugene Brashers through DNA evidence found in three victims’ sexual assault kits and under Amy Ayers’ fingernails, with odds of 2.5 million to one. Police also matched a .380 casing from the crime scene to Brashers through ballistic evidence.

Robert Eugene Brashers

Brashers was a serial killer whose confirmed crimes spanned multiple states:

• The 1990 rape and murder of Genevieve Zitricki, 28, in Greenville, South Carolina

• The March 1997 rape of a 14-year-old girl in Memphis, Tennessee

• The March 1998 murders of Sherri Scherer, 38, and her 12-year-old daughter Megan, in Portageville, Missouri

On January 13, 1999, two years before Springsteen and Scott would even stand trial, police tracked Brashers to a Missouri motel. After releasing his family during a standoff, he shot himself in the head. He died six days later, never facing justice for the yogurt shop murders.

A City Transformed

The murders shattered Austin’s sense of itself as a safe college town. “I remember at the time how shocking it was because I think Austin, at that time, was still a relatively small town in Texas,” Rep. Michael McCaul recalled.

The community mobilized: volunteers distributed flyers, white ribbons were hung on trees throughout the city, and entrepreneurs offered a $100,000 reward. “Everywhere we drove, there were these billboards with a picture of my sister on them,” Sonora Thomas remembered. The billboard asked: “Who killed these girls?”

Parents became more protective, businesses increased security, and the carefree atmosphere gave way to wariness. Mayor Kirk Watson, who served during both the murders and yesterday’s announcement, reflected: “Nearly a quarter of a century ago, I said this city lost its innocence.”

The Confession Epidemic: 50 People, 50 Lies

What makes the Yogurt Shop case extraordinary in the history of criminal justice is the sheer volume of false confessions. Austin police admit that over 50 people, including McDuff on the day of his execution, had confessed to the yogurt shop murders, far exceeding other notorious cases like the Central Park Five (five false confessions) or the Norfolk Four (four false confessions).

The Early False Confessions

During John Jones’s tenure as lead investigator from 1991 to 1994, six written false confessions were obtained. These included:

Maurice Pierce (December 1991): Within a week of the murders, 16-year-old Maurice Pierce was arrested for bringing a gun to Northcross Mall. The gun happened to be the same make and model as one of the guns used in the murders. After hours of interrogation by APD Homicide Detective Hector Polanco, now retired, he confessed to the murders of the four girls. The following morning, Detective Jones interviewed Pierce again, but realized his confession did not match the details of the crime scene.

Two Mexican Nationals (1992): In the fall of 1992, two men wanted for an unrelated kidnapping and sexual assault in Austin were arrested in Mexico. One of the men bore a striking resemblance to someone witnesses reported seeing outside the yogurt shop on the night of the murders. When questioned by Austin investigators, the men initially denied any involvement in the yogurt shop murders, but when interrogated by Mexican authorities, they confessed. However, the details they gave didn’t match the evidence found at the crime scene, and when Austin detectives re-questioned the men, they recanted.

These men were cleared after interrogation by Austin investigators. It was suspected that Mexican police coerced their confessions.

Alex Briones (March 1992): Polanco obtained a written confession from a man named Alex Briones in March 1992, according to the lawsuit. However, the confession was thrown out after a polygraph. There was no other evidence linking him to the crime.

The remaining two of the six written confessions during Jones’s tenure aren’t explicitly identified in available sources.

Serial killer Kenneth McDuff: Already on death row for three 1966 murders, McDuff had been controversially paroled in 1989, killed again, and was awaiting execution when he confessed to the yogurt shop murders. Timeline evidence quickly proved he couldn’t have been in Austin that night. For a death row inmate, a false confession to additional murders on the eve of his execution offered strategic value (a potential stay of execution) or a last grab at notoriety.

Beyond these documented cases, APD received thousands of tips and dozens of “confessions,” but most led nowhere. The names and circumstances of most false confessors remain in police files, unavailable to the public.

The Original Investigation’s Toll

Detective John Jones led the investigation from 1991 to 1994. Jones stated that six written false confessions were obtained during his tenure. So, when he learned that the two confessions were all the new investigators seemed to have, it gave him pause. This experience gave him hard-won expertise in the unreliability of confessions in this case.

The psychological toll was immense. Jones was eventually diagnosed with PTSD and removed from the case. For years afterward, he couldn’t be found on December 6th: “It was a day to hide,” he said. The department’s inability to solve the murders haunted him.

Jones had actually interviewed four teenagers shortly after the murders, including Maurice Pierce, who’d been arrested at a nearby mall with a .22 caliber gun. After a thorough investigation, Jones and his team dismissed them as suspects. About Forrest Welborn, Jones was particularly dismissive: “He couldn’t organize a two-car parade.”

From top left to bottom right: Marcus Pierce, Forrest Welborn, Michael Scott (convicted), and Robert Springstein (convicted)

Eight Years Later: The Wrong Theory

In 1999, a new investigative team revisited those same four young men, now developing a theory that they’d committed the murders together during a robbery gone wrong. This time, the approach would be different—and devastating.

Michael Scott had been 15 at the time of the murders, 23 when re-arrested. Family described him as having learning disabilities and an overwhelming need to please authority figures. Over four days in September 1999, he endured approximately 20 hours of interrogation.

The pressure was extreme. At one point, captured on video, Detective Robert Merrill brought a revolver into the interrogation room. Merrill stood behind Scott and jabbed him in the head with what appeared to be the gun barrel. Merrill later testified he was pointing his finger while holding the gun in his other hand, facing the floor. Regardless, as one report noted, “the few seconds of video are startling.”

Detectives used classic coercive tactics:

• Threats of execution (Texas actively used capital punishment)

• False claims about evidence

• Assertions that Springsteen had already implicated him

• Promises that cooperation might avoid death row

Eventually, Scott broke. However, his confession was riddled with errors; wrong positions of bodies, incorrect details about the weapon, and impossible timelines. Robert Springsteen, 17 at the time of the murders and 23 when arrested, was interrogated in West Virginia. Critically, only three of the five hours were recorded; the backup tape mysteriously “ran out.” When recording resumed, Springsteen was confessing. In addition, his confession contained the same errors as Scott’s, suggesting both were fed identical false information.

Neither man’s DNA matched the crime scene evidence. No physical evidence linked them to the murders. They recanted almost immediately and refused to testify against each other at trial. But they had both confessed.

Maurice Pierce initially made statements implicating himself and others under pressure, but these were so problematic that prosecutors couldn’t use them. Welborn maintained his innocence more successfully. Both were eventually released without going to trial.

The Convictions

Not all investigators believed the four young men were guilty. John Jones harbored serious doubts about the later arrests and convictions.

When Jones heard about the arrests, he was initially relieved but quickly concerned. “I said, ‘Is that all they have is a confession?’ They said, ‘Yeah, against each other.’” His experience told him that teenagers rarely could keep such a horrific secret for eight years. “I didn’t think, and I still don’t, that persons of that age could hold that information in.” He had interviewed the same suspects shortly after the murders when they were still teenagers. “We had ‘em in and we didn’t get anything close to that out of them,” he later explained.

Despite the lack of physical evidence, prosecutors proceeded. The confessions, detailed through contamination, seemed compelling to jurors who couldn’t imagine confessing to crimes they didn’t commit.

Springsteen was convicted in 2001 and sentenced to death, but the sentence was later commuted to life. Scott was convicted in 2002 and sentenced to life.

The case took its toll on investigators who pursued the truth. Jones was diagnosed with PTSD and removed from the case, suffering guilt about the department’s inability to solve the murders. When DNA evidence finally identified Robert Eugene Brashers as the killer in 2025, it was Jones, now retired, who helped break the news. His instincts about the four young men had been right all along.

The Hector Polanco Pattern

One detective’s name appears repeatedly in Austin’s false confession cases: Hector Polanco. By the time he worked the Yogurt Shop case, Polanco had established a troubling pattern of obtaining problematic confessions under shady circumstances:

His documented history included:

• 1988: Christopher Ochoa and Richard Danziger falsely confessed to the Pizza Hut murder of Nancy DePriest after Polanco subjected them to 12-hour interrogations with threats of lethal injection. Both served for over a decade before DNA exoneration. The city paid $14.5 million in settlements.

• 1990: Two people confessed to murdering a woman who was actually alive

• 1991: John Salazar confessed to a murder for which others had already been convicted

• Multiple others: A 1992 internal investigation found Polanco involved in at least seven false confessions

In February 1992, the sergeant was assigned as the head of a task force devoted to solving the Yogurt Shop Murders. But he was removed shortly after due to suspicions that he had elicited false confessions. This came after the problematic Alex Briones confession.

Despite being fired in 1992 for perjury, Polanco was reinstated on appeal and retired in 2001 with full benefits after winning a discrimination lawsuit.

It’s crucial to note that Polanco was one problematic officer, not representative of the Austin Police Department. His removal from the Yogurt Shop task force demonstrates that the department recognized the issues. The vast majority of Austin detectives conducted ethical investigations, and many, such as Jones and later Detective Daniel Jackson, dedicated years to uncovering the truth.

Understanding False Confessions

The Yogurt Shop case provides a comprehensive catalog of why innocent people confess. Forensic psychology research, building on the work of Kassin and Wrightsman (1985) and expanded by later researchers, identifies five main categories:

Voluntary False Confessions: These occur when individuals approach police on their own to claim responsibility for crimes they didn’t commit, with no interrogation pressure involved. Motivations vary widely:

• Desire for notoriety or attention, especially in high-profile cases

• Mental illness, particularly conditions involving delusions of guilt or grandiosity

• Practical benefits like shelter (for homeless individuals) or legal maneuvering

• Misguided belief they’re helping the investigation

In the Yogurt Shop case, Kenneth McDuff exemplified the strategic voluntary confession. Already on death row, his false confession offered potential value: new charges could mean new trials, appeals, and delays in execution. The case attracted dozens of other voluntary confessors whose specific motivations remain undocumented.

Serial killer Kenneth McDuff, who falsely confessed to the Yogurt shop murders on the eve of his execution

Other high-profile examples include over 200 people who falsely confessed to the Black Dahlia murder in 1947, and the numerous false confessions in the Lindbergh baby kidnapping case. These cases illustrate how media attention can prompt individuals to voluntarily confess to crimes they may not have committed, seeking to insert themselves into historical events.

Coerced-Compliant False Confessions: These happen when suspects confess to escape intolerable interrogation conditions while still knowing they’re innocent. They prioritize ending immediate suffering over long-term consequences and often recant quickly once the pressure ends.

Michael Scott and Robert Springsteen’s confessions fit this pattern. Both endured lengthy interrogations—Scott for approximately 20 hours over four days, and Springsteen for five hours, with critical portions of the interrogation unrecorded. Under threats of execution, false evidence claims, and extreme pressure (including the gun incident with Scott), both men eventually gave detailed confessions that they quickly recanted. Their refusal to testify against each other at trial further demonstrates they knew their confessions were false.

The Central Park Five case provides another stark example. Five teenagers confessed after interrogations lasting 14 to 30 hours, with no attorneys present. They recanted immediately but were convicted mainly based on their confessions, serving years before DNA evidence identified the real perpetrator.

Internalized False Confessions Perhaps the most troubling type, these occur when suspects actually come to believe they committed the crime. This typically requires:

• Memory distrust (due to intoxication, trauma, mental illness, or shock)

• Suggestive interrogation techniques

• Vulnerable individuals who adopt interrogators’ scenarios as memories

The Yogurt Shop case may have included examples among the unnamed confessors, particularly those with mental illness, but this cannot be confirmed without access to their specific circumstances.

The case of Peter Reilly illustrates this phenomenon clearly. In 1973, the 18-year-old came to believe he had killed his mother after police convinced him he had repressed the memory. He confessed in detail to a crime he didn’t commit, genuinely believing his “recovered memories” were real. Only physical evidence proving his innocence freed him.

Leveraged False Confessions. These occur in multi-suspect cases when police use one suspect’s statements—real or fabricated—to pressure others. Innocent people may confess to minimize their perceived role after being told co-defendants have implicated them.

Maurice Pierce’s initial statements in the Yogurt Shop case demonstrate this dynamic. After being told others had implicated him, he made statements implicating himself and his friends. These statements were so problematic that prosecutors couldn’t use them, but they show how the pressure of being told others have confessed can break down resistance.

The Norfolk Four case exemplifies the extreme consequences of leveraged false confessions. Four Navy sailors confessed to rape and murder after being told others had implicated them. Each confession was used to pressure the next suspect, creating a cascade of false statements that led to four wrongful convictions.

Protective False Confessions: These involve taking blame to shield others, a common phenomenon in gang contexts or close relationships where loyalty overrides self-preservation. Parents might confess to protect children, gang members to protect leaders, or romantic partners to protect each other.

The case of Christopher Ochoa (ironically, one of Polanco’s other false confession cases) included elements of a protective confession. Ochoa was told his roommate, Richard Danziger, would receive the death penalty unless Ochoa confessed and implicated him. Trying to save his friend from execution, Ochoa admitted to a murder neither had committed.

Key Vulnerability Factors: The Yogurt Shop cases revealed several factors that increase false confession risk:

• Age and Brain Development: The teenage suspects in 1991, and Scott and Springsteen, who were young adults when interrogated in 1999, exemplify age-related vulnerability. Research shows the prefrontal cortex, responsible for long-term planning and decision-making under stress, doesn’t fully mature until the mid-twenties.

• Cognitive Disabilities: Scott’s documented learning disabilities made him particularly vulnerable. Research by Gudjonsson shows individuals with intellectual disabilities score higher on measures of interrogative suggestibility; they’re more likely to yield to leading questions and change answers under pressure.

• Mental Illness: While specific diagnoses aren’t available for most of the 50+ confessors, the sheer number of voluntary confessions suggests mental illness may have played a role in a few of these confessions.

• Interrogation Length: Extended interrogations break down psychological resistance. Scott’s 20-hour interrogation over four days exemplifies how exhaustion impairs judgment and decision-making.

• Contamination of Evidence: Both Scott and Springsteen’s confessions contained identical errors, suggesting information was fed to them during unrecorded portions of their interrogations. This contamination makes false confessions seem credible because suspects “know” details about the crime, details they learned from interrogators, not from participation.

The interaction of these factors creates what researchers call “perfect storm” conditions for false confessions. In the Yogurt Shop case, young age, cognitive vulnerabilities, marathon interrogations, and contamination combined to produce confessions that seemed detailed and credible but were entirely false.

DNA’s Long Journey to Justice

The fire severely damaged evidence, and 1991’s DNA technology required large, pristine samples. By 2008, Y-STR testing revealed male DNA matching none of the suspects, but the partial profile wasn’t enough for identification.

The breakthrough came through genetic genealogy—the same technology that caught the Golden State Killer. Detective Daniel Jackson’s persistence with new testing methods finally connected the DNA to Brashers through his other crimes.

Progress and Reflection

The case catalyzed significant changes:

• Texas mandated recording custodial interrogations (2013)

• 27 states now require recording for serious crimes

• Illinois banned lying to juveniles (2021); Oregon to all suspects (2022)

• Police training shifted toward rapport-based methods.

Yet gaps remain: no federal standards, most jurisdictions permit deception, and juries still view confessions as nearly infallible.

At yesterday’s press conference, District Attorney Jose Garza acknowledged: “The overwhelming evidence points to the guilt of one man and the innocence of four.”

The dedication of officers like Jones and Jackson, who worked tirelessly for decades, finally brought answers. Their persistence, combined with the evolving technology of forensic science, demonstrates the best of law enforcement’s commitment to truth.

The True Cost

More than 50 false confessions didn’t just represent statistical anomalies or investigative inconveniences. Each pulled resources from real leads. Innocent men’s lives were destroyed while grieving families were given false answers.

Would Bashers have been identified sooner if these men had not been convicted of the crimes? Maybe. Maybe not. We’ll never know.

But we do know there would not have been more victims who had nothing to do with the original crimes. We do know that Amy, Elizabeth, Jennifer, and Sarah’s parents would never have been comforted or at peace with vengeance. We do know that the actions of one wayward police officer tainted the reputation of a police force with dedicated and fair-minded detectives like Daniel Jackson and John Jones.

The Yogurt Shop murders remind us that false confessions create a double injustice: innocent people imprisoned while guilty ones escape. Every false confession in this case helped obscure the truth about who killed Amy, Sarah, Jennifer, and Eliza on December 6, 1991.

These four girls had dreams and futures stolen from them. Their families waited 34 years for justice, receiving it only after their killer was already dead. As Austin finally closes this chapter, their case stands as both a cautionary tale about the danger of confession-based convictions and a testament to the investigators who never gave up searching for the truth.

Genetic genealogy, in tandem with dogged and dedicated police work, offers us the chance to solve crimes like never before. The question is whether we’ve learned enough to look past confessions, no matter how detailed or convincing, and follow the evidence wherever it leads.

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